NCUC Statement on GNSO Restructuring & Board Governance Committee Report
Robin Gross
robin at IPJUSTICE.ORG
Fri Apr 25 03:01:20 CEST 2008
Below is a draft of the constituency statement on GNSO Structuring
and the Board Governance Committee Report.
Please send any comments and suggestions for edits soon as the
official deadline for submission of comments is 25 April.
Thank you,
Robin
NCUC Statement on GNSO Restructuring and the
ICANN Board Governance Committee Report
25 April 2008
Rebalancing the Constituencies
The most critical aspect of any GNSO reform is the reshaping of GNSO
constituencies to ensure that everyone who has a stake in ICANN
policy is represented and that the votes of the constituencies be
structured to represent a fair balance of these interests. To this
end, the Board Governance Committee Report recommends more widely
interested constituencies and proposes a four constituency model.
NCUC, together with the other 3 “user constituencies” in the GNSO and
the At-Large Advisory Committee (ALAC) have jointly proposed a more
balanced three constituency model for the GNSO consisting of
contracting parties, commercial users, and non-commercial users of
the Internet. The three constituency model represents the fairest
balancing of interests between these various stakeholders and this
submission hereby incorporates the Joint Users Group Proposal of 23
April 2008 available online at http://forum.icann.org/lists/gnso-
improvements-report-2008/msg00012.html.
Contract Parties
The principal difference between the two models is that the four
constituency model would gives registrars and registries each their
own constituency, whereas the three constituency model would collapse
them into a single contract parties constituency. This means that
under the four constituency model the parties with a contractual
relationship to ICANN would have effective veto power, whereas in the
three constituency model they would be on equal footing with other
interests.
Because ICANN regulates the conduct of the contractual parties, it is
important that they not be given a disproportionately large stake in
ICANN policies. If the registrars and registries had effective veto
power over any GNSO policy, it would mean that ICANN would be
effectively captured by the very entities it purports to regulate.
This would not only undermine the effectiveness of the GNSO, but also
undermine public perception of ICANN and possibly invite governmental
action.
More importantly, the GNSO should recognize that the business
interests of the contracting parties do not outweigh those of the
numerous people and entities rely on the Internet for business and
communication. Although the unique concerns of the contracting
parties do warrant them having a direct voice at ICANN, this voice
must not be so great as to drown out all other interests.
The Working Group Model
The Board Governance Committee Report suggests making working groups
the focal point of the new GNSO structure. It proposes eliminating
voting by the GNSO council entirely and empowering working groups
directly to create consensus policy. Under this new model, the GNSO
council would not vote on any policy, but instead function as an
administrator of working groups, with each working group operating on
a basis of “forced” consensus.
The primary motivation for this new model is fear of voting. The
Board Governance Committee asserts that voting polarizes the GNSO and
drives the constituencies to focus on building alliances rather than
developing policy. It concludes that the solution to this
politicking is to eliminate voting and to force compromise through a
consensus based policy development process. This simplification
overlooks both the dangers of consensus as a policy making tool and
the benefits of the GNSO Council's current decision making role.
Dangers of Consensus
“It has been said that democracy is the worst form of government,
except for all the other forms that have been tried from time to
time.” -- Winston Churchill
Even if the Board Governance Committee's fears about voting are
accurate, it does not follow that voting must be entirely replaced by
consensus. Any danger of politicking inherent in a system of voting
is significantly outweighed by the dangers of a consensus system,
which is far more open to gaming and strategic manipulation.
In a system of “true” consensus, any one participant in a policy
development process can prevent a proposal from going forward.
Although this is intended to foster discussion and compromise, it
gives rise to a number of problems. Most significantly, anyone who
has an interest in the status quo has an absolute ability to preserve
it. This creates an excessive obstacle to action in these situations
and may guarantee inaction on contentious issues.
Even where there is general agreement that some action should be
taken, consensus still gives disproportionate power to the minority.
A sufficiently obstinate objector can force the majority to include
changes that the majority find objectionable, on the threat of
blocking any action at all. While in some cases these compromises
may make for better policy, in other cases they will strip the
proposal of most of its merit or create unwarranted exemptions. The
super-majority vote currently required already promotes compromise,
but this current proposal skews the balance too far in the favor of
hold outs.
These dangers are only partially ameliorated by using a system of
“rough” consensus. Under this model, the chair of a working group
has the authority to let a policy go forward not withstanding the
objection of a small minority, but the exact size of that minority is
a moving target. This is effectively just a requirement of a
supermajority vote with a moving target. The judgment about how
large a minority needs to be to have veto power ought to involve a
uniform judgment and ought to be made with respect to the balancing
of interests in the GNSO, not the proportion in which those interests
are represented in an individual working group. To do otherwise
would be to encourage abuse of power by chairs and the stacking of
working groups by constituencies.
Role of the GNSO Council
The extreme Working Group model also ignores the important functions
served by the GNSO council to make policy decisions. As it stands,
the GNSO council serves a gate keeping function to ensure that the
interests of each constituency are considered and protected during
every policy development process. While it is good to encourage
interested parties to participate directly in working groups, it
would be a mistake to assume that the only people effected will be
those that get actively involved. The GNSO constituencies serve the
important function of guaranteeing that everyone is fairly
represented throughout the policy development process. The vote by
the GNSO council is an important step in this process which ensures
that an experienced constituency representative familiar with the big
picture asserts the interests of their constituency.
Additionally, the vote by the GNSO council represents a careful
balancing of interests which are being fine tuned by the current
restructuring. The GNSO constituencies represent everyone with an
interest in ICANN policies. The distribution of votes among these
constituencies is the product of a careful balancing of interests
intended at developing the best and fairest policies. Entirely
eliminating the GNSO Council's vote would remove an important check
and the benefit of this balancing.
Finally, the GNSO Council serves as a regular forum for the GNSO
constituencies to meet and discuss policy issues. As the same
representatives meet to discuss different issues, this provides a
focal point for the creation of working relationships between the
constituencies, and keeps the channels of communication and
compromise open.
Institutional Culture
It should also be remembered that politicking is not necessarily the
by-product of a defunct system of policy creation. While a
problematic structure can encourage politicking, it can also be a
product if institutional culture and, to some degree, a natural by-
product of any system of policy development where divergent interests
are represented. While it is good for the GNSO to strive for an
atmosphere of cooperation and compromise, it would be a mistake to
assume that drastic structural change can or should be employed to
remove all politicking. At some point cooperation must stem from
good will rather than change to the policy development process.
IP JUSTICE
Robin Gross, Executive Director
1192 Haight Street, San Francisco, CA 94117 USA
p: +1-415-553-6261 f: +1-415-462-6451
w: http://www.ipjustice.org e: robin at ipjustice.org
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